to Gen'l Saml. C Pomeroy
Sir, I noticed a comment, upon a letter supposed to be written by you. In the Missouri Republican which comment asserts that your statement of an attempt and Gov. Reeder of this Territory to be a "lie" and because the editor had not heard of Gov. Reeder's mentioning the attempt, your supposed statement was an untruth and implying generally that you are a man of pretence and bombast etc.
Now Sir, I wish to state some things which have come to my knowledge, somewhat accidentally, which may or may not be of some service to you, and some inferences I have drawn of which other persons may or may not have drawn from the state of affairs, in this region and elsewhere.
First and foremost let me say, that I seldom write anything continuous and also that I know nothing about you or the society with which you are connected excepting a little business I may have had occasionally with you, and general report of yourself and the society. Thru my intercourse with you I have found you a gentleman, and the report even in this region of aspersion; of yourself has been of a favorable character as a thorough business man. As to the society all manner almost of evil has been said of it, though I have as yet seen the little I know of it nothing worse than that it is like all human affairs liable to error, and that the errors have been nothing more than emigrant societies to new countries are subject but chatting over some matters with certain persons located in the territory not far from my own location, I became satisfied that a great change had taken place in the views of many who went from Missouri who were likely to be influenced by the action of designing or plausible men. Statements were made in the course of conversation ungaurdly and in a boasting way to the effect that an association had been formed which would in a few months be
extended over all and every part of the Southern States in such a manner as to get control over the notes and action of individuals and the offices of territorial and the general government as far as possible, and that no man high or low would be countenanced in any [xxxx] whatever in situations this society could at all reach and that agents were and had been employed to extend its influence, and that it was expected that previous to any general election this society would be so organised that by its unity it would control the government more entirely and every thing connected with the government. This and other things were spoken not in the above language or number of words but the above is about the substance.
There cannot be a doubt in the mind of any reflecting person who has lived in this Territory since last summer, that there is a vast combination or conspiracy on foot to get this Kansas for slavery then do that which seems good in the eyes of those men to keep it and also to push matters in such manner as seems fit to extend the despotism of the institution over the whole country. Any one that doubts this even now; will have entire conviction if the antislavery sentiment was to lull long enough to lose a general election.
The modus operandi of the leaders of the pro slavery party will be of this nature; first to impugh the motives blacken the character, and thwart the operations openly and covertly of all known anti slavery men of whatever stripe or degree and 2nd induce by threats of violence or danger expressed or implied by misrepresentations of words or actions of others or themselves by arranging the emigration of one state against another by persuasions and promises to inferior men to coincide and fall in with them All these have been done to a great extent already by such leaders. It is not to be supposed from the above that all the body of pro slavery men are dishonorable
men, by no means perhaps on any other subject than this they are as honorable and upright as any body of men. But when we think and speak of slavery per. se., it is with the idea of a despotism as exacting and suspicious as perhaps that of the Russian Csar. If slavery men are bad men they might be so without it, if antislavery are good men they might having been brought under the system, be still good on slavery soil. The good or evil, losses or benefits in general of the slave system it will be seen, is no what I am [xxxxxx] upon I digressed as above to grant what men may be good moral men under a despotism, lest I should be thought to be blackening the slaveholders character which is not at all my intention.
The first portion of the modus operandi you have had a specimen of yourself, not only in the comments on the letter, but in many other ways you may remember in a short conversation I had with you, how little I noticed some newspaper comments when you intimated their injustice, I was satisfied that you and others would get far from justice by the pro slavery press; It was rather surprising to me that some awful story had not been manufactured against you and your party by this time. I suppose that I need not add anything farther on this point, any one doubting, can step out here and I think soon be satisfied.
As to the 1st of the second class of operations, by threats etc sufficient proof of this is found in recent acts of the pro slavery party and may be more to arrive. As to misrepresentation those have become so common that nobody but the ignorant mind them at all. The most available modes of operation are the last I have mentioned. as an instance there were to my knowledge many persons who went from Missouri to locate here in the Territory, who were Free soilers, but from various causes, chiefly by promises of help and
representations of the yankees bringing in Niggers to be equal with them, they were induced to note the other way. It may be said that these men were weak, very likely, but then weak men's votes count as fast as strong men's votes, and so at this time the leading pro slavery men are exerting themselves to get a dis-cord among the people from various free states and turn the emigration in all ways and by every artifice to their account and that besides their expectation to colonise men from slave states. But I do assert from my own thought and judgement that the great battle field is not so much out here, as it is in the whole number of Northern States.
There are I am convinced many very many whose hands are by former relations or business etc and circumstances tied in Missouri whose labors and voice though against abolitionism wont be very against [xxxx] slavery who though they can put up with and get along with negro servitude, [xxxxx] them have keep it that have got it; yet see nothing about it to be desirous of spreading it. For such men, who are not in independent circumstances to take a course opposed to the supposed interest of those they are connected with would be [xxxxx] at this present time.
Then other late elections and the notorious threats and ill treatment of Gov. Reeder who was under the appointments of the general government are proofs of that of the antislavery party holds its own even with the pro slavery, it will do well enough, because the pro slavery men will, and violence and bloodshed probably added, if the contest were a fair and even one it would be but a short one, if Kansas lay as remote from all the states slave and free, as California the
thing would soon be among the bygones. But that is the [xxxx], the position of Kansas, the position of parties [xxxx] on the stay or spread of negroism is what makes the difficulty.
Seeing the contiguity of Kansas to Missouri given a great and manifest advantage to the pro slavery men. And that no man, not pledged entirely to the South will get the vote of southern men, for any position of eminence in or out of the state. And that the pro slavery party will extend entirely over the slave states and by one means or other form an almost unit of the vote of such states and almost every man who has a vote whatever else he may think, will act and vote but one way on this question, especially in the choice for the presidency, may be regarded as fixed facts. A president secretly pledged to sustain the pro slavery party in its rapacity and violence, can and will inflict great injury on the whole country in various ways, only one or two of which I have room to mention, as the commerce manufacturing and finances of the country will have to take a retrograde movement. The cities like N. York and Cincinnati and multitudes of minor places must hold awhile untill Norfolk or Charleston jogs along another hundred years or two to get up with them. And St. Louis itself can afford to wait and the Republican cut off a few columns till the Charleston Mercury comes up to it. And besides I may just mention that as in case of negroism being victorious the party will be likely to be exacting more than ever it has been it will possibly to take into its head to clean out all suspected of free soilism
from all its borders, and as there are some few thousands in St. Louis thus suspected there might be a cleaning time that might possibly make Alton, yet a successful rival of St. Louis It is well enough for the people of the slave states to examine these matters pertaining to their interest, whether to go in strong enough for the mere right as it is to many to hold slaves and merge all right of free agency in that one is worth the sacrifice. There are [xxxxxx] villages and cities now in slave states that without negroism would have had double the population and benefits. There is another portion of the intents of some of the leaders of the slave party, they have all at once been seised with a sudden love of the Union i.e. as they want to have it for it is tolerably certain they will value it lightly if they can't do as they like.
All and every consideration and every aspect indicates to me the supreme necessity of the free states entering into an understanding to elect a man to the presidency next term, who will see that his appointments are not exposed to be assassinated in the discharge of their duties, who will see that the laws are not trampled upon, fugitive slave law and all, if it is a bad one the more strenuously, it is carried out, the sooner its repeal. A president who is a judge of the right and will do right, a man who loves the Union the whole Union as it is and as it should be, a protection to state rights, and to the rights of individual life and property, no mattter in what that property consists. And where can such a man be found, he could be found in numbers in the South , but the policy now pursuing and to [xxxx] in the south prevents his selection from that quarter
It is there among themselves that the free states must look for a whole Union man. It is the intention of the pro slavery men to dissolve the Union if they can't make the Union serve their purposes in Kansas and everything else, and it is also their policy to profess great love for it and throw the [xxxx] of dissolution on the free states. [xxxxx] is alone from a known and tried Free soiler that you can expect the right man one who has been persecuted and tried and has sustained the ordeal without flinching. One who will be an upright and just man regarding man, but also fearing God.
If the free states are going to fritter away their energies away upon new ‘isms, or untried men the south is not, not she, and she will carry the palm, and by necessity of the sluggishness of the negroism besides great evils inflicted, at least in advance of 25 (besides great evils inflicted) years will be lost to the whole country in the interim of the next presidential term.
I am satisfied that there will, even in case of a slavery president being elected, be a necessity of so pressing a nature arise, that the candidate, in 1860 will have to be anti slavery but the evil then will be greater to repair than now. I conclude hoping that these few thoughts may not be unacceptable to you.